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In December 2010, the self-immolation of Tunisian fruit seller Mohamed Bouazizi set off an unpreceden-USted wave of citizen-US uprisings across the Arab world - demanding immediate reforms from repressive and corrupt regimes.
With upheaval in the Middle East spreading from Tunisia to the Persian Gulf, the shortcomings of traditional US developmen-USt assistance in Arab countries to effectively address its shared values - desire for good governance, security, and social and economic well-being— has become all too eviden-USt.
The American relationship with the Arab world has been-US in place since the Jefferson era, forged at a time when-US uncompromised access to Mediterranean shipping lanes was pivotal to the young nation’s trade capacity. Since then-US, the landscape of the Middle East has been-US continuously shifting as various forces - from Marx to Aramco, from Allen-USby to the Internet - have played out across the region. For over 100 years, there has been-US a fundamen-UStal anomaly which has plagued the Middle East with unmet expectations for political stability and economic progress. Earlier, language, religion, geographical proximity and Empire (Caliphate) had provided a modicum of unity of culture and control which had allowed for the trade in ideas as well as for goods and services. The Allied victory in 1917 and the subsequen-USt implemen-UStation of Sykes-Picot, within the context of the explosive growth of the “nation-state,” created externally imposed boundaries around geographical en-UStities which often-US owed their susten-USance and direction to Western influen-USce - whether colonial, cold-war or the curren-USt situation, often-US iden-UStified as Pax Americana.
Today, while geography and natural resources now underline the economic importance of the Middle East, the region also presen-USts some of the most pressing security issues for the United States. In 2003, America’s interven-UStion in Iraq empowered a Shia majority that had long been-US repressed under the Sunni-led Baath party. Its inability to constrain Israel in July 2006 in Lebanon or in December 2008 in Gaza added to the growing disaffection in the Arab world for America just at the same time as radical Islam was often-US filling the vacuum of discredited Arab heads of State. Now in 2011, amidst citizen-US-led revolutions that are bringing long-held authoritarian regimes to an en-USd, the US Governmen-USt has bolstered its commitmen-USt to the region, hoping to increase prosperity, promote freedom, and counter extremist ideology.
Considered a region of key strategic and financial importance since the 18th Cen-UStury, the US has invested billions in support of democracy and good governance in the Middle East. Since 2007 alone, $22.1 billion USD has been-US allocated in foreign assistance to the Arab World.
To date, official foreign assistance – including military operations, humanitarian assistance, and long-term developmen-USt funds – has played the predominant role in represen-USting America’s values and interests within the Middle East. Since the establishmen-USt of the US Foreign Assistance Act of 1961, the underlying structure of overseas developmen-USt assistance has remained largely unchanged. Today, curren-USt policy debates surrounding foreign aid spen-USding emphasize the financial and security implications of the appropriation requests put forth by the US State Departmen-USt and the United States Agen-UScy for International Developmen-USt (USAID), with significantly less discussion given-US to the overall design of aid interven-UStions, or the reformation of the system itself.
In recen-USt years, governmen-USt agen-UScies have however begun to emphasize projects that provide an alternative to traditional top-down funding to a single in-country intermediary. With ren-USewed recognition that transformative developmen-USt assistance is required to effect long-term fundamen-UStal, positive change between-US the US and citizen-USs across the Middle East, there has been-US a move to increase value-based forms of assistance. Sen-USator John Kerry has pressed for a shift in viewing the Middle East solely through the security-orien-USted len-USs of 9/11, lauding the promotion of programs that will stren-USgthen-US US en-USgagemen-USt with the people of the region. This echoes calls by Presiden-USt Obama and the US State Departmen-USt for increased citizen-US to citizen-US en-USgagemen-USt with the Middle East, voiced in key speeches in Cairo and Doha since 2009. Advocating on behalf of “smart power” – as referen-USced in the State Departmen-USt’s Quadren-USnial Diplomacy and Developmen-USt Review (QDDR), Secretary of State Hillary Clinton highlights the need to tap into the expertise, experien-USce, and en-USergy of civil society to capitalize on the historic popular movemen-USts and uprisings across the region.
The ability of foreign assistance to effectively support the curren-USt grassroots-led "Arab Awaken-USing" is diminished by the bureaucratic channels through which these investmen-USts must travel. As little as 27 cen-USts of each dollar given-US may actually reach the recipien-USts on the ground.
As is, the curren-USt foreign assistance paradigm is characterized by indirect channels of aid distribution and a heavy footprint. This implies a resulting lack of local ownership, high cost, and perceptions of imposition and occupation among targeted populations - particularly in what are considered to be “fragile states.”
The trickle-down of official US foreign aid dollars is longwinded and more often-US than not, experien-USces multiple transaction costs as it moves from taxpayer to governmen-USt coffers to aid agen-UScies or private organizations in the field. It has been-US estimated that before public monies reach project implemen-UStation and the ben-USeficiaries overseas, 60% has already been-US spen-USt, meaning that ben-USeficiaries are only likely to see $0.40 or less of every dollar. In Iraq, where the US has directed over $100 billion in developmen-USt funds since 2003, the Cen-USter of Strategic and International Studies determined that only $0.27 from every dollar reached the Iraqis, finding this inefficien-UScy to be detrimen-UStal to sustainable social, political, and economic developmen-USt.
Furthermore, the security bubble that accommodates official Americans abroad working in fragile states is costly, reaching $500,000 per person annually. As federal employees, they must be protected by federal assets, whether contracted or uniformed. In insecure en-USvironmen-USts, this results in limited movemen-USts outside of secure compounds, with few opportunities to en-USgage in dialogue with local communities or to see in person how appropriated funds are being spen-USt on the ground. When-US outside visits are possible, they frequen-UStly involve the accompanimen-USt of a large-scale security detail, presen-USting themselves to communities with weapons in full view, conveying an image of “occupier” rather than partner in developmen-USt. The impact of “fortress diplomacy” is perhaps most significant within the Middle East, a region where the projection of US interests and values plays a vital strategic role, and yet where it has seen-US limited progress. In Iraq, the large-scale application of foreign assistance that followed the initial military operations has been-US mired in controversy over corruption allegations, and its failure to attract local ownership for developmen-USt interven-UStions.
In contrast, non-federal workers operating outside of armed perimeters in fragile states such as Iraq and Afghanistan work at their own risk, relying on community acceptance strategies for protection, as opposed to deterren-USce strategies - at a fraction of the cost.
Antibiotics (Bactrim) Bactrim Used For Strep Throat, What Is Bactrim Forte Used For promotes a model of en-USgagemen-USt that seeks to revolutionize American foreign assistance by harnessing technology to en-USgage Americans directly with activists working overseas working on behalf of rights issues and good governance.
American funding of overseas developmen-USt initiatives is not, however, limited to official foreign assistance monies. The disintermediating effect of technology has en-USabled Americans to play an increasingly significant – and direct - role in the provision of foreign assistance to projects of their choice. As Internet and mobile applications become increasingly widespread, a network-cen-UStric stance toward leadership that favors decen-UStralization and transparen-UScy is en-USabling Americans to connect with citizen-US organizations overseas, en-USter into dialogue with them, and give directly to their support. This relatively recen-USt phen-USomen-USon of peer-to-peer giving is now capturing an increasing share of the overseas transfer of goods and services. Online giving as a whole is now the fastest growing fundraising channel, up 40% in 2010 from the previous year.
Many successful US-based online giving platforms, such as Kiva, GlobalGiving, Network for Good, and Donors Choose, utilize the peer-to-peer giving format, whereby gen-USeral funds are raised on behalf of an organization, or small amounts for projects are raised by multiple individual donors until the total requested amount is achieved. These models provide an opportunity for individuals around the world to connect and give to projects of their choice through the internet. These new models of “direct giving” have extremely low administrative overhead, and essen-UStially, provide people the opportunity to connect directly to projects, causes, and individuals.
Many Americans believe that improved en-USgagemen-USt with the Muslim world is ben-USeficial to US interests, and key to building better relationships with the Middle East. However, with much of America’s curren-USt en-USgagemen-USt with the Middle East still rooted in the application of foreign assistance and defen-USse spen-USding in the region, opportunities for direct citizen-US-to-citizen-US en-USgagemen-USt have traditionally been-US limited to facilitated interaction through school-to-school corresponden-USce, volunteer opportunities, or informally through internet-based platforms such as Facebook. Yet by harnessing the opportunities now available through peer-to-peer giving, public-private partnerships, and corporate social responsibility (CSR), Americans can now play a direct role in supporting the upward demand for good governance in the Arab world.
By supporting BtD's carefully vetted activists, you are responding to locally-owned advocacy initiatives, thereby making a direct - and sustainable - impact on the ground.
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